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Marieke Hopman

Marieke Hopman


26 oktober 2015

Voor publicatie -> een filosofisch perspectief op kinderrechten

26 oktober 2015 | By | 3 Comments

Goed nieuws: ik heb een e-mail ontvangen waarin staat dat reviewers mijn artikel (“(why) should children have rights? A philosophical perspective”) willen publiceren in het aankomende boek over 25 jaar kinderrechtenverdrag!

Tenminste, ik moet het artikel nog wel herschrijven – ik ben niet precies op de hoogte van academische conventies, maar volgens mij betekent dit normaliter dat mijn artikel is geaccepteerd. Ik ben hier extra blij mee omdat de academische traditie van kinderrechten onderzoek vaak geen filosofie bevat. Daarbij komt dat ik in het artikel beweer dat technisch gezien kinderen geen rechten hebben en dat we beter kunnen zeggen dat zij “juridische privileges” krijgen. Zoals een reviewer schreef in zijn/haar commentaar op mijn artikel: “het zal waarschijnlijk wat discussie uitlokken en we moeten geen artikelen weigeren omdat we het niet eens zijn met de gedachtengang”.

Het book zal in 2016 gepubliceerd worden bij Brill Nijhoff Publishers, edited by Prof T. Liefaard and Prof. J. Sloth-Nielsen.

Marieke Hopman


21 oktober 2015

Onderwijs voor iedereen?

21 oktober 2015 | By | No Comments

Mijn speech op de Night University: Waarom educatie voor alle kinderen? Ga mee in een hypnose van 4min (NL/ENG)…

Marieke Hopman


24 september 2015

De wet bekeken door de ogen van kinderen II

24 september 2015 | By | 2 Comments

Als we de wet bekijken door de ogen van kinderen, wie zijn dan de wetgevers? En hoe kun je dit onderzoeken?

Marieke Hopman


10 augustus 2015

De wet bekeken door de ogen van kinderen I

10 augustus 2015 | By | 5 Comments

De wet bekeken door de ogen van kinderen: wat is een wet, en wat is het verschil tussen een wet en een sociale regel?

Marieke Hopman


10 juli 2015

Campagne recht op educatie: dank + hoe nu verder

10 juli 2015 | By | No Comments

Beste allen,
De afgelopen periode hebben we hard aan de campagne gewerkt, met een fantastisch resultaat! We hebben het samen met alle partners, ambassadeurs- en niet te vergeten ‘de crowd’- voor elkaar gekregen om 20.000 euro bij elkaar te verzamelen.

Ik wil jullie bij deze  graag bedanken voor je steun, en vertellen hoe het project nu verder gaat. Zie daarvoor de onderstaande videoboodschap:

Marieke Hopman


16 juni 2015

Crowdfunding “recht op educatie” in de media

16 juni 2015 | By | No Comments


Volkskrant scan

artikel BD


Interview Omroep Brabant, fragment vanaf 14.45, dd. 17-05-2015. Oa waarom onderzoek belangrijk is, en waar moet die 100.000 vandaan komen?

  • Interview radio WFM98, dd. 7-06-2015
Marieke Hopman


12 juni 2015

Marieke Hopman


11 juni 2015


11 juni 2015 | By | No Comments

More results from previous research! Today their UN Children’s Rights Committee has presented their concluding observations on the OPAC (child combatant) situation in the Netherlands.

They conclude, based on the OPAC report that we wrote for Defence for Children and Unicef, which was based on my MA thesis findings, that:

  • The Dutch government has to ensure that VeVa courses (for 15-16 year olds) do not include physical and mental training that might be harmful to children’s wellbeing
  • The Dutch government has to establish regular monitoring of VeVa courses
  • 17 year olds should not be military trained
  • Voluntary military recruitment should be raised to age 18

“The Committee is concerned that children as young as 15 years of age who are enrolled in the Security and Skills (VeVa) vocational course are subjected to harsh mental and physical training modules that may be harmful to their health and development.”

See the whole document here:

Marieke Hopman


23 januari 2015

Asking yourself a question, that’s how resistance (and a phd project) starts

23 januari 2015 | By | No Comments

I have now started the fundraising for the PhD research! Exciting times. You can find all information here:
Twitter: @research_CRC / @marieke_hopman

Please take a look! – Marieke Hopman

When moving house recently, I recovered a postcard that a friend sent to me in July 2013, during the lead-up to my first (field) research on children’s rights. On the front of the card there is this poem by a Dutch poet, Remco Campert:


Verzet begint niet met grote woorden
maar met kleine daden

zoals storm met zacht geritsel in de tuin
of de kat die de kolder in zijn kop krijgt

zoals brede rivieren
met een kleine bron
verscholen in het woud

zoals een vuurzee
met dezelfde lucifer
die een sigaret aansteekt

zoals liefde met een blik
een aanraking iets dat je opvalt in een stem

jezelf een vraag stellen
daarmee begint verzet

en dan die vraag aan een ander stellen.
Resistance does not start with big words
but with small deeds

like a storm with soft rustling in the garden
or the cat going crazy

like wide rivers
with a small source
hidden in the forest

like a sea of fire
with the same match
that lights a cigarette

like love in a look
a touch something that strikes you in a voice

asking yourself a question
that's how resistance starts

and then posing that question to someone else.

Clearly, my friend knows me and my research well. 18 months further down the road I am still asking questions. I have, for the time being, finished a PHD proposal on children’s rights, which has as its main question: “How can we understand the position of the child in the international legal community?”. I think this is an extremely important question that can provide an impetus for social transformation.

In addition, starting a PHD project for me is a period of great insecurity. Days are filled with questions. Is the proposal good enough? Who do I want as supervisors, and do they want me as a student? Do I possess sufficient capacities to successfully research the subject on a high academic level? Will my articles get published? How do I find the financial means to even start the project?

Regarding the latter, financial issue, I  have decided to take a bold and unusual step, which is to try and finance the project (at least partly) through fundraising. It took me two weeks of Christmas holidays to decide to go on this adventure, that had been lingering in my mind ever since I did a small crowdfunding project to finance my previous research in 2013. I think fundraising for research that is socially relevant, is a great way to expand social commitment to and impact of the research. In my experience, this approach gets so many people involved in the process; academics and non-academics, young and old, students and professionals, NGOs and corporations… All this leading to greater societal impact in the end, as well as individual interest and support.

However, the approach is uncommon in present-day academia. Uncommon to say the least. In fact, it might very well be frowned upon by some academics. To not (solely) walk the traditional road of grant applications, leaves out the academic judgment involved in grant distribution. According to some, we cannot leave judgment of academic value up to the court of public opinion. This is probably a legitimate objection.

Yet this also triggers my resistance. With recent financial cutbacks, less academic research can receive grants. Therefore we HAVE to look for different means of supporting our work. Academic value can still be judged through peer-reviewed research articles. In addition, if some of the funding comes from civil society, publication in more popular media should increase in (academic) appreciation.


At times when I feel uncertain and scared about the whole project, which is pretty much my perpetual condition, I sometimes think of the words of Joseph Knecht in Herman Hesse’s “The Glass Bead Game” (1943), who argues that ‘we possess that limited freedom of decision and action which is the human prerogative and which makes world history the history of mankind’. According to Knecht we may therefore choose, in proportion to our understanding of events, in proportion to our alertness and our courage, to either close our eyes to danger and hope that it will not find us, or recollect that ‘we belong to world history and help to make it’.

Suppose through fundraising, one would be able to operate on two levels; at the level of civil society; politics, policy, and at the level of academic research; both using the same data. Would that not be a dream come true? Or should all people who do not receive a grant give up on their dream of doing academic research?

Thanks to Bavo Hopman and Kila van der Starre for (translating) the poem.

Marieke Hopman


5 november 2014

Rwandan child soldiers: demobilization and reintegration

5 november 2014 | By | No Comments

It is common knowledge that many child combatants are active in the DRC conflict today. Sometimes child combatants manage to leave the armed group that they are supposed to serve. What happens to Rwandan child combatants after they escape? How are they demobilized and reintegrated into society? How do we even know if they are children? And how does Rwandan government policy on this matter relate to international law?

Child combatants that manage to get away from an armed group in the DRC in which they are serving, report usually to the UN or the ICRC. If they are Rwandan, they are sent to a special demobilization camp in the Rwandan western province, as part of the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Program. When I visited this camp, there were 46 children, ages said to be 14-19 years. This was considered a “quiet period”, because at that moment there was a period of relative rest in the DR Congo after an outburst of violence earlier in the year. In this camp, children get some basic education (upon arrival most are illiterate), which includes reading, writing, the Rwandan language and Rwandan history. There is one nurse employed for therapeutic purposes. The children follow a weekly schedule of schooling, leisure (sports and games) and therapy.

child soldiers camp

When they come out of the Congolese jungle they have to tell their age. This determines whether they are children or adults, which has as its first consequence to which camp they are sent (the adult camp or the children’s camp). But often these children do not know their age. For example, I spoke to a boy who, when I asked about his education, said he had finished second class in primary school. He said he was recruited after, ‘at age 16, when he finished his studies’. In the second class of primary school in Rwanda you are usually 8 years old. The conversation in which I tried to find out about his current age and his age at the moment of recruitment is illustrative for the complexity of child combatants and information about age:

MH: What is your education?
Int: He was recruited for soldier when he was in second primary.
MH: Second primary, and then?
Int: When he got into soldier. When he got recruited.
MH: How old was he in second primary?
Int: 16 years.
MH: In 2nd primary you are 16 years?
Int: He went into…he was recruited when he had finished his studies.
MH: So, finished primary school?
Int: He was recruited when he was in 2 primary.
MH: But in the second of primary, you are not 16 then, are you?
Int: He was born here, in Bukavu, and he was being recruited when he was in secondary school.
MH: Secondary school?
Int: Not secondary school. In primary school.
MH: So how come he was at primary school when he was 16 years old?
Int: He started when he was very young.
MH: He started what?
Int: To study. To go to school. He thinks it was between 10 or 15.
MH: When he started?
Int: Yes.
MH: Do you know how old you are?
Int: He doesn’t know. He guesses.

The respondent said he was 18 years old now, but he looked more like 16 years old to me. Later during the conversation the respondent said he was confused ‘because of the bullets’. For three of four former child combatants that I spoke to, I was certain their true age was not how old they said or thought they were – they all seemed younger.

These former child combatants get to stay in the camp for a minimum of three months and a maximum of nine months. During this period authorities try to locate family members and to reunite the children with their families – but, according to the stories I heard, this is often not very successful. Either families can’t be found or they are in the DRC, children who were recruited at a very young age might not know where they come from at all, etc. After finishing the Demobilization and Reintegration program, each person gets about €120 and a food package. They are encouraged by the two camp leaders to group together, to stay together, add up their money to be able to rent a place and maybe buy some supplies, like for example some simcards or postcards or other things they can sell in the street. There is no follow-up from the government.

The question is if in this situation the Rwandan government acts in accordance with formal law. Are these “all feasible measures” that can be taken to ensure protection and care for children who are affected by an armed conflict (CRC, art. 38.4)? Does the Rwandan government in this respect take ‘all appropriate measures to promote physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration of a child victim of (…) armed conflicts’ (CRC, art. 39)?

From my experience in the camp for former child combatants, I can positively confirm that this recovery takes place in ‘an environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child’ (CRC, art. 39). The question is of course if all former child combatants get to go to the camp, but this seems likely since there is a follow-up situation from the point where children report to the UN up until they get to the camp, by the ICRC. However, I worry about what happens when children leave the camp. What do you do when you are a 15 year old child who, after spending six months in the camp, is put in the street with some money and some food (and maybe some friends)? Where do you go? What are you going to do? You are most likely traumatized by your experiences, you have hardly had proper schooling and now you have to survive, probably start your own business or work on a farm. I am not sure if the Rwandan government in this sense takes all appropriate measures. This situation, after children leave the camp, conflicts with Rwandan national law too, for example part two of art. 24: ‘A child who is temporarily or definitively deprived of his or her birth family shall be entitled (…) to a replacement protection which could consist of his or her placement in a foster family, an adoptive family or a placement in a relevant social welfare institution’. This does not happen. In this sense the Rwandan government can do more; they can for example find foster families for these former child combatants and provide opportunities for counselling if necessary. If they were to change policy in this respect, they have to take into account the fact that age in this situation is not a good designator anymore to decide whether someone is a child. A 15 year old child might say he is 18 years old.

The content of this article is based on the 2014 research “Childhood and Children’s Rights“, attachment 1: Rwandan child combantants.